Tuesday 5 November 2013

How are journalists responding to threats of security, privacy and freedom in digital media?


Digitalisation gives rise to both benefits and limitations for journalists and their media conglomerates, and as such there are 2 dominant responses. On the one hand, journalists work on a grassroots level amongst one another to prevent and protect their digital information, particularly while on location. Hacking and spyware is a serious risk to the individual security and privacy of reporters working on the ground. On the other hand, dramatic reductions in sales and the pending risk of industry death have forced journalists to exploit security and privacy breaches and operate in a way that are, at times, borderline unethical (Horsely, CFOM. 2013). It gives rise to vicious professional conflict – to resuscitate individual livelihood, sales and the industry or uphold ethical and professional responsibilities?

Security


Due to ever-increasing sophistication in spyware, most reporters whose information security is under threat are rarely aware this is the case. In our knowledge economy, research notes, contact details, travel itinerary and audiovisual files are key commodities for journalists, and laptops and smartphones are almost always a primary target (McGonagle, 2013). Varying degrees of awareness makes it almost impossible to offer complete protection for journalists and their digital information, but veteran journalists have established networks such as the Journalist Security Guide that provide troubleshooting resources and preventative steps for journalists in risky locations (WeFightCensorship). Using pre-paid mobile phones, restricting network connections and keeping a USB full of critical content allow remote access to digital information without connecting to media outlets (Smyth, 2012). Norton-Taylor says there is “a general sense of responsibility for one another,” with hundreds of blogs and guides dedicated to protecting journalists in precarious situations such as the Global Journalist Security, which provides online training programs (2013).

Privacy 




Over the past 10 years, media users are becoming increasingly aware of the true state of their private information online. Despite temptations to exploit privacy holes, initiatives such as Hacks/Hackers allow the journalists (“hacks”) to connect with worldwide chapters of technologists (“hackers”) who rethink the future of news and information (Hicks, 2013). The two schools of knowledge converge, providing journalists with live scraped data. “Hackers, like journalists, believe strongly in freedom of information, embodied in the open nature of the Internet,” says Herman (2010).


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Digital media, particularly email and telecommunication networks, are being accessed by media giants’ IT team via spyware and surveillance technology. As a highly competitive industry, print media relies on this restricted content for their best “scoop,” despite being highly unethical (Horsely, 2013). In Australia alone, we have 4 media “watchdog” organizations that take complaints against journalist conduct breaches, yet most readers and complainants are not aware of their existence. Media giants rely on this ignorance and intimidation to avoid facing disciplinary action for their unethical behavior (MEAA, 2005).

Take the case study from the News of the World trial, for instance. The ongoing investigation began in 2006, when evidence arose that journalists were intercepting voice mails of Prince Harry, producing a string of exclusive reports (Austin, 2013). Then Editor-in-chief Paul Goodman described this source of information as “a goldmine” because it was “safe, productive and cost-effective.” Since then, reporter Andy Coulson was sentenced to six months imprisonment and stringent litigation is now in place, but their behavior continues outside formal mediums and into crowdsourced content (Casciani, 2013).

Freedom


In early 2012, Reporters Without Borders published its annual press freedom index. Australia was ranked 26, behind Sweden and Canada, whose democratic index is considerably lower.

Public Prosecutor Keir Starmer uses the phone hacking scandal as an “example of journalists who, on the face of it, may have broken the criminal law but have obviously pursued a greater good in doing so,” explaining this deviation from ethical and professional codes as a breakaway tactic (Hume, 2013). However, unconventional responses to tightening media regulation stand alone on a global scale. More productive alliances such as IFJ Asia-Pacific runs international campaigns on journalists’ safety, press freedom and editorial independence operate solely to combat censorship in developed societies.

Digital media gives journalists the opportunity to redefine a “professional” standard, particularly a degree or employment contract is no longer a requirement (Hume). Essentially, the Internet provides a platform for anyone to post anything, anywhere, and it is considered “journalism,” yet no need to adhere to particular standards of conduct or regulation. Journalists then crowdsource and upload UGC, decentralizing content control and stringent professional regulations. Instead, journalists and content creators side step law and censorship, particularly by leveraging social media and comment threats, which encourage readers to engage but are mostly passed off by watchdogs as “harmless” (Keane, 2013).

This new era of digitalization and media offers a wealth of knowledge and new opportunities for journalists, but forces stemming from the digital revolution are transforming the media industry. With many jobs lost, journalists on dire straits are deviating from their one core function. However, despite a breakdown of quality journalism and the effects of convergence, there is still a community culture within the industry that work with one another to productively combat industry threats.

Words: 837

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